From the history of Germans in the Pavlodar Irtysh region

By N. A. Kubik,
Deputy Head of the State Archive of Pavlodar Region, Distinguished Worker of the Archive Field,

Member of the Regional Group on Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression,

Member of the Scientific Expert Group of the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan for Pavlodar Region

Representatives of the German nationality have played a significant role in the history of the Pavlodar Irtysh Region. The German encyclopedist, naturalist, and traveler in Russian service, P. S. Pallas, left us a description of the Koryakovsky outpost, which later became the city of Pavlodar. His 1770 account reads:

"This outpost is the most populous among those on the Irtysh and has the best buildings. The commissar of the salt department and the contractor for salt delivery live here in decent houses. Extensive settlements have been built, divided into 'streets.'"[1]

The Russified German Ivan Dmitrievich Buchholz founded the Omsk, Zhelezinsk, Yamyshev, Semipalatinsk, and Ust-Kamenogorsk fortresses, which were part of the Irtysh Line. This line was intended to protect Russia's Siberian territories from nomadic raids from the south, particularly from the Dzungar Khanate, which also greatly troubled the Kazakhs. The lines were commanded from 1763 by Lieutenant General I. I. Springer, who chose the Omsk fortress as his base.

However, until the early 20th century, contributions to the history of the district were made by individual, albeit remarkable, representatives of the German nationality.

The large-scale settlement of Germans in the Pavlodar district dates back to the early 20th century. The first German settlements in Pavlodar Region appeared at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. German colonists, arriving in the Kazakh steppe in hopes of finding a better life, established numerous monoethnic villages. They were drawn by favorable land-use conditions (each male settler was allocated 15 desyatins of land, and peasants were exempt from taxes, duties, and other obligations) as well as state-provided plots of land. Thus, in Pavlodar district, settlements such as Rebrovka, Miloradovka, Rozovka, Nadarovka, Ravnopol, Luganskoye, Raevka, Olgino, and others were founded by settlers from the Yekaterinoslav, Taurida, Kherson governorates, and the Don Cossack Host Region. Although Germans also lived in multiethnic settlements, the majority resided in compact German villages.

As of 1930, Germans in Pavlodar district constituted 2.4% of the total population—6,791 people, with 1,345 households. They lived compactly in the Tsyurupinsky, Irtysh, Koryakovsky, and Pavlodar districts. Their primary occupation was agriculture [2]. There were 12 German collective farms in the district. Settling in the arid steppe zone, German colonists quickly succeeded in cultivating trees and fruit-bearing species. On semi-sandy, dark chestnut, manganese-saline soils, which were poorly suited for agriculture, Germans managed to organize their farms so effectively that by 1930, their practices were recommended by the District Collective Farm Union as a model for land organization and water management for surrounding northern districts of Kazakhstan [3].

The district also had 20 first-level German schools, one seven-year school, and a total of 620 children enrolled. Instruction in these schools was conducted in German by 24 teachers, while Russian was taught as a subject. Additionally, the district hosted 10 reading huts, 2 literacy centers, and 1 club [4].

During the collectivization period, as economically strong households, German collective farms were subjected to increased taxation. Documents note that "as a general phenomenon, German Soviets were insufficiently prepared to implement the main measures of the party and government in the countryside. They failed to reorganize their work based on new tasks, and thus their leadership in crucial economic and political campaigns, such as collectivization and agricultural campaigns, was extremely weak, sometimes even detached from this work. Distortions and excesses allowed during the campaigns also partially affected the German population." In the district, 25 kulak households, 10 middle-peasant households, and 3 poor-peasant households were subjected to repression [5].

During the Soviet period—from the 1920s–1930s to the 1990s—the ethnic composition of the country's population underwent rapid changes due to various types of migration, including organized, forced, and voluntary movements, as well as deportations.

The deportation of certain peoples and ethno-national groups to the interior regions of the USSR, including Kazakhstan, began in the pre-war years. This policy was justified as necessary for ensuring the country's security. From the end of 1937 to 1944, Kazakhstan became a destination for relocated groups deemed "unreliable," including Kurds, Armenians, Turks, Assyrians, Poles, Germans, Chechens, Ingush, Kabardians, Balkars, Karachais, Greeks, Koreans, Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians, Georgians, Moldovans, and others. Among the largest ethnic groups subjected to deportation were the Germans.

On 28 August 1941, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued Decree No. 21-60, "On the Resettlement of Germans Living in the Volga Region." Based on resolutions of the USSR Council of People's Commissars (SNK) and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) [VKP(b)], between 3 September and 28 October 1941, the German population of the Volga region was entirely relocated to Siberia and Kazakhstan. Shortly thereafter, all Germans from other regions adjacent to the frontlines were also deported. Even those serving at the front or in the army were subjected to deportation. Families were given 24 hours to prepare. Only a minimal amount of belongings was permitted for the journey, and entire villages were uprooted and displaced.

Starting in the autumn of 1941, party and Soviet authorities began intensive preparations to receive special settlers from the German population. Most able-bodied men among the special settlers had already been mobilized into labour armies or construction columns, while the rest were sent to work in the collective and state farms of the region. Their accommodation was complicated by the simultaneous arrival of large groups of evacuees from the frontline areas into the republic and the region. It was necessary to find housing and provide food for all arrivals, a task that was extremely challenging under wartime conditions.

As of 25 November 1941, 51,377 German special settlers had arrived in Pavlodar Region. Of these, 47,369 people were placed in collective farms, state farms, and district centres. Their distribution across districts was as follows: 2,060 people in Bayanaulsky, 6,482 in Beskaragaysky, 4,312 in Irtyshsky, 2,950 in Lebyazhinsky, 4,884 in Lozovsky, 2,368 in Maysky, 4,416 in Maksim-Gorkovsky, 5,069 in Pavlodarsky, 3,889 in Urlyutyubsky, and 5,171 in Tsyurupinsky. An additional 4,008 people were settled in temporary dormitories [6].

In 1941, the Pavlodar Regional Executive Committee (Oblispolkom) and the Bureau of the Regional Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Kazakhstan (CP(b)K) adopted resolutions, including one dated 2 September 1941, titled "On Measures for Receiving, Settling, and Organizing the Economy for German Resettlers." This resolution stated:
“…b) Immediately allocate land plots equipped with water sources, pastures, and arable areas from available state land reserves for the construction and settlement of newly established German collective farms; c) determine the locations of central estates for the newly established resettlement collective farms, allocating plots for the construction of essential production and residential facilities.” The plan envisioned settling a total of 20,000 people across the region, of whom 16,850 were to be placed in collective farms and 3,150 in state farms. The document also provided detailed figures for the placement of German settlers by district, specifying the number of people allocated to collective and state farms in each district, arrival stations, transfer points, and other logistical details [7].

In the classified resolution adopted on 11 October 1941 by the Pavlodar Regional Executive Committee (Oblispolkom), titled "On the Economic Organization of German Resettlers," it was noted that "the arriving German resettlers have been settled in collective farms and state farms and are mostly employed." However, the resolution also highlighted shortcomings in the process, stating that during the resettlement of Germans across the region, the districts’ needs for agricultural specialists were not taken into account, and Bolshevik vigilance was not demonstrated. In Beskaragaysky District, the employment of special settlers was left unorganized, and no efforts were made to facilitate the integration of Germans into existing collective farms. The same resolution ordered the establishment of 15 new resettlement German collective farms by partially reallocating unused lands from existing collective farms and state land reserves. These new farms were to be distributed as follows: one each in Lebyazhinsky, Pavlodarsky, Kaganovichsky, and Urlyutyubsky districts; seven in Maksim-Gorkovsky District; and two in Irtyshsky District. The resolution also mandated: “3. Require district committees of the CP(b)K, district executive committees, and district agricultural departments to carry out the resettlement and economic organization of resettler collective farmers to permanent residences primarily through additional settlement within existing collective farms. Arbitrary relocations of resettlers from one collective farm to another are strictly prohibited” [8].

Funds and housing loans were allocated for individual housing construction, along with the provision of livestock, clothing, food, and other forms of assistance. The special settlers received significant moral and material support from the region's population, especially from rural communities, as most deportees were settled in collective and state farms.

However, the resolution of the Lozovsky District Executive Committee dated 20 October 1941 noted that collective farms had so far done nothing to organize the economic integration of the special settlers, considering them temporarily placed and therefore not formally enrolled as members of the collective farms [9].

Documents indicate that the adaptation of the German population to their new conditions and socio-legal status was extremely painful, often taking on a tragic character. The lack of food and industrial goods, housing shortages, and other difficulties exacerbated the situation. Collective farm leaders, assuming that the special settlers were temporarily placed, did nothing to facilitate their permanent settlement. The Lozovsky District Executive Committee adopted Resolution No. 469 on 20 October 1941: "1. Assign the German resettler households placed in collective farms to permanent residence in these collective farms. 2. Require the collective farm management to immediately begin enrolling the Germans from resettler households placed with them as members of the collective farm" [10].

In June 1942, 576,000 rubles were allocated for individual housing construction for German resettlers in the region [11]. However, with rare exceptions, the promised housing was not provided to the German families in their new settlements. Instead, they were moved into the homes of local residents under a policy known as "densification." Such cohabitation often had a negative impact on relations between the newcomers and the homeowners, leading to conflicts.

The issues of providing housing, food, and clothing to the special settlers were particularly acute. By 18 December 1941, the food situation in Tsyurupinsky District had become critical, especially regarding bread. The district was home to 10,218 workers and employees who neither had their own grain supplies nor engaged in agriculture. To meet their needs, calculated at 400 grams of bread per person per day, 122 tons of flour were required. In November, the district received an allocation of only 51 tons of flour, leading to interruptions in bread supplies. On 7 December, 35 tons of flour were delivered to the district according to plan, which were distributed among orphanages and evacuees (at a rate of 5 kg per person per month). By 16 December, there was no bread available in the district centre or at the machine and tractor station (MTS).

Additionally, the district was home to 5,300 German resettlers, who also found themselves in a dire situation due to the lack of food. Among them, cases of hunger-induced swelling were reported [12].

The Pavlodar Regional Executive Committee (Oblispolkom) received daily reports and letters describing the situation in various locations. From the state farm "Kalininsky," a report dated 17 May 1943 stated: "The German population, numbering 298 people, including 166 children aged 3 to 12, is in an extremely dire condition. Many families, along with their children, are completely swollen from hunger, as they have no bread or other food supplies. Over the past year and a half, they were able to barter personal belongings for food from collective farms, but that option has now been exhausted. People survive only on a 600-gram ration, and even then, not everyone—only those who are working... The situation is critical. Please advise: what should we do?"[13].

From a letter by collective farmers Ozdoev and Friesen of the collective farm "Iskra" in Raevsky Village Council, Tsyurupinsky District, addressed to the prosecutor of Pavlodar Region on 16 March 1945: "Since our collective farmers live in very poor material conditions, and the situation worsens daily, we decided to ask you for help. In 1942, collective farmers received 250 grams of grain per workday, in 1943—180 grams, and in 1944—75 grams. It is clear that these small amounts were not enough to live on, and they began exchanging their clothes and belongings for food... The collective farm management, despite its best efforts, cannot provide assistance as it has no supplies. To survive, some farmers are slaughtering their last cow. However, many no longer have any livestock at all... Therefore, we earnestly ask for material assistance for our collective farmers..."[14].

From December to April 1942, the number of Germans in the region decreased, primarily due to the mobilization of German men and women into the labour army, as well as the high mortality rate among the German population caused by cold, hunger, disease, and repression. According to a report by the NKVD of the Kazakh SSR to the Military Department of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K, titled "On the Resettlement and Mobilization of Germans," prepared in December 1942, Pavlodar Region had "4,900 Germans prior to resettlement," 51,317 were resettled, making a total of 56,217 Germans in the region. Of these, 6,940 were mobilized and sent to the labour army [15].

In addition to the material and living hardships, the German population during the war years endured moral suffering, being under the close scrutiny of the NKVD as representatives of an "unreliable" nationality. Party organs were also instructed to exhibit "Bolshevik vigilance" towards them and to address "facts of anti-Soviet conversations, sabotage, and other actions displayed by German resettlers"[16].

A striking example of such "vigilance" was the arrest of 18-year-old Alexander Alexandrovich Rus, born in 1905, a German resettler from Saratov Region. He was accused of engaging in anti-Soviet slander against the Soviet authorities while en route in a resettlement train at Iletsk station. According to the charges, he "entered a circle of gathered youth, performed a dance, and sang counterrevolutionary songs in German"[17].

Nevertheless, despite the extremely harsh conditions, many Germans succeeded in adapting to life in their new homeland, thanks to their natural diligence, conscientiousness, professionalism, and dedication. Not only did they manage to thrive, but they also became leading figures in production and made significant contributions to the region's economic development.

Many Germans were awarded high honors, orders, and medals for their exemplary work in industry and agriculture. Among them were Heroes of Socialist Labour such as A. I. Witt, Ya. G. Gering, livestock breeder P. A. Schmidt, writer N. R. Wacker, poet R. V. Pflug, and music educators G. E. Kromer, A. A. Mettus, and many others.

During the war years, 61 nationalities and population groups were subjected to forced resettlement. While wartime conditions may have necessitated certain precautionary measures by the Soviet government in the rear and near the frontline, the disgraceful and unjustified repressive actions applied to many peoples cannot be justified. These harsh punishments targeted not only the guilty but entire nations. The erroneous policy of mass resettlement inflicted irreparable damage on the country, particularly on the economies of the regions previously inhabited by the displaced peoples, as well as on their cultures and traditions. Established economic and cultural ties between neighboring peoples were severed, and the national consciousness of the masses was distorted. The authority of the state was significantly undermined.

It took many years to rectify the grave mistakes in national policy made during the Great Patriotic War.

Only with the adoption of the decree by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on 13 December 1955, "On Lifting Restrictions on the Legal Status of Germans and Their Family Members Who Were on Special Settlement," was some relief provided to Germans in their places of settlement. However, clause 2 of the decree explicitly stated that the lifting of restrictions did not entail the return of property confiscated during deportation or the right to return to their former places of residence.

On 28 August 1964, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR repealed the restrictive acts concerning the deported German population. A decree fully lifting restrictions on freedom of movement and confirming the right of Germans to return to the places from which they had been deported was adopted in 1972.

On 14 November 1989, the Declaration of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR "On Recognizing as Illegal and Criminal the Repressive Acts Against Peoples Subjected to Forced Resettlement and Ensuring Their Rights" rehabilitated all repressed peoples, including Germans, Chechens, and Ingush. At the state level, it acknowledged as illegal and criminal the repressive acts against these peoples, which included policies of defamation, genocide, forced resettlement, the abolition of national-state formations, and the establishment of regimes of terror and violence in places of special settlement.

On 18 October 1991, the Russian Federation adopted the "Law on the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repressions," which critically assessed these actions against the peoples and outlined measures for their rehabilitation.

 

[1] Terenik, M. Pavlodar: Pages of Our History. Part 1 (1720–1945). Pavlodar: NPF "ECO," 2001, p. 19.

[2] GAPO (State Archive of Pavlodar Region). Collection 11, Inventory 2, File 6, Sheet 228.

[3] GAPO. Collection 48, Inventory 1, File 22, Sheet 1.

[4] GAPO. Collection 11, Inventory 2, File 6, Sheet 229.

[5] GAPO. Collection 11, Inventory 2, File 6, Sheet 232.

[6] GAPO. Collection 3-p, Inventory 1, File 243, Sheets 8, 8 verso.

[7] GAPO. Collection 646, Inventory 1, File 175, Sheet 170; Pavlodar Residents During the Great Patriotic War, 1941–1945. A Collection of Documents. Compiled by V.D. Boltina, N.V. Markunene, T.E. Pokidaeva, L.V. Sheveleva. Pavlodar: TOO NPF "ECO," 2005, p. 203.

Pavlodar Residents During the Great Patriotic War, 1941–1945. A Collection of Documents. Compiled by V.D. Boltina, N.V. Markunene, T.E. Pokidaeva, L.V. Sheveleva. Pavlodar: TOO NPF "ECO," 2005, pp. 113–114.

[9] GAPO. Collection 646, Inventory 1, File 130, Sheet 45.

[10] Must Not Be Forgotten. Compiled by E.K. Afanasyeva, O.V. Bobreshova, V.D. Boltina, K.O. Yesimkhanova, G.E. Zhanarbaeva, R.E. Igibaeva, K.G. Makazhanova, M.S. Terenik (Candidate of Historical Sciences), L.V. Sheveleva. Pavlodar: NPF "ECO," 1997, pp. 152–153.

[11] Must Not Be Forgotten. Compiled by E.K. Afanasyeva, O.V. Bobreshova, V.D. Boltina, K.O. Yesimkhanova, G.E. Zhanarbaeva, R.E. Igibaeva, K.G. Makazhanova, M.S. Terenik (Candidate of Historical Sciences), L.V. Sheveleva. Pavlodar: NPF "ECO," 1997, p. 159.

[12] GAPO. Collection 646, Inventory 1, File 212, Sheet 229 verso.

[13] From the History of Germans in the Pavlodar Irtysh Region. Compiled by V.D. Boltina, T.E. Pokidaeva, L.V. Sheveleva. Pavlodar: ECO, 2015, p. 223.

[14] GAPO. Collection 646, Inventory 1, File 353, Sheets 54, 54 verso.

[15] Pavlodar Residents During the Great Patriotic War, 1941–1945. A Collection of Documents. Compiled by V.D. Boltina, N.V. Markunene, T.E. Pokidaeva, L.V. Sheveleva. Pavlodar: TOO NPF "ECO," 2005, p. 214.

[16] GAPO. Collection 646, Inventory 1, File 175, Sheets 189–190.

[17] GAPO. Collection 913, Inventory 1, File 38, Sheet 276.